Thursday, 6 February 2014

LET THE CARDS FALL

South Coast, NSW, Australia

There may have been a time when everything worked, but that time was not now. 

Where there were tourists there were scams. Thailand may have appeared in tourist brochures as one of the world's most desirable destinations; but beyond the comfortable ring of smart, over-priced hotels none of the normal protections travellers might expact actually applied. And nor could the local authorities be relied on to protect the visitors to their land. The notoriously dishonest Thai police were as much a part of the feeding frenzy as everybody else. There weren't just over-priced goods or expensive massages in the scattering of shops around the hotels, but pickpockets and thugs and the police themselves, all waiting for money to fall from the sky. The distaste in which foreigners were held was just one of the reasons why tourists were treated like wilderbeast to be hunted and slaughtered. But it was a good enough reason for the thieves to have zero conscience when it came to preying on the weak, or the deluded. Or those who strayed from the herd.

The Royal Thai Tourist Police may have been super-imposed over the local police as a way of avoiding the endemic corruption of the local authorities; but they, too, could not be relied upon by visitors; and had a poor reputation. Most tourists only spent a few days in Bangkok, a few days in the historic northern town of Chiang Mai, a week or two on the islands and were gone. If they tried to protest over being robbed; there was no point. They were long gone before any action could, or would, be taken. 

The Thai government itself had encouraged foreigners to think of the country as a comfortable place for retirement, believing the money, ideas and entrepeneurial spirit that they brought would benefit all. But in a nation of villages there was no solution, no arcing triumph. All it had led to was resentment and misunderstanding. Foreigners had money, and most could not see why it should be in someone else's pocket when it could be in theirs. A communal culture which did not value private property exacerbated the situation. Chaotic governance, from municipal to national levels, meant there was no coherent attempt to clean up  the organised thieving that charcterised places like Pattaya and the island of Phuket. Announcements of crackdowns went nowhere. Everyone with even a passing knowledge of the country knew that only one thing talked, and that was money. Whatever the alleged crime, a greased palm or a share in the proceeds soothed the way.

Thailand had promoted itself as a dream retirement destination, but all they had done was fuel the notorious xenophobia of the ethnic Thais; destroyed the lives of tens of thousands of foreigners who had fallen for the myths, and marched into a dislocated time of further disparagement, dislocation and disconnection. There was always more to come. Every day brought news of another fiasco.

THE BIGGER STORY:

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/abc-undermined-the-rudd-apology/story-fn59niix-1226776488708#

THE first indigenous MP of the House of Representatives has hit out at an ABC program that compared Tony Abbott's refusal to apologise over the Indonesian spying allegations with Kevin Rudd's apology to the Stolen Generations.
Ken Wyatt, who made history when he was elected to the West Australian seat of Hasluck at the 2010 poll, attacked the ABC's Behind The News for undermining the significance of the apology.
BTN, a current affairs show for school students, made the comparison in this week's program.
It showed 2008 footage of Mr Rudd making the apology and cut-aways to crowds gathered to watch the event outside Parliament House in Canberra and in Melbourne's Federation Square.
"This apology to the thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children who were taken from their families by the Australian government in the past was a big moment for ex-PM Kevin Rudd," the narration went. It continued: "In fact, when Kevin retired, new PM Tony Abbott said it was the best thing he ever did."
It then cut to the Prime Minister's praise of Mr Rudd -- the prime minister on whose watch the Indonesian spying is alleged to have occurred -- for his historic words when he announced his retirement from politics last month.
"The member for Griffith, Kevin, he had the decency to see that here was something that needed to be done," Mr Abbott said.
The BTN report continued: "So it seems Tony is a fan of people who say sorry too. Well he was."
Mr Wyatt said the apology to the Stolen Generations, along with the 1967 referendum, "represents some of our most significant recent Australian history".
"The apology was a healing process of significant importance to many Australians, both indigenous and non-indigenous," he told The Australian.
"Any comparison of the apology with political or current affairs events undermines the significance of this momentous occasion."
Mr Wyatt's comments came as Communications Minister Malcolm Turnbull said the government's commission of audit could impose changes on the ABC.
In a letter to a voter published on the Andrew Bolt blog, Mr Turnbull says: "The government has no plans to either privatise or reduce funding to the ABC."
The letter continues: "However, the government has established a National Commission of Audit to review the scope, efficiency and functions of government. The commission has a broad remit to examine all areas of government expenditure, which would include all government-funded agencies.
"The ABC, along with other government agencies, has been invited to make a submission to the NAOC."
Mr Abbott said on Tuesday the government had "no plans" to change ABC funding but he faces pressure from backbench MPs angered at what they see as institutional bias at the taxpayer-funded broadcaster.

Wednesday, 5 February 2014

EXPLOITED DREAMS

Empty shops, South Coast, NSW, Australia

All he could think of was the smug brutality of the political class; the stupidity of the GST. It was a disgusting, retrograde tax which had destroyed tens of thousands of businesses when it was introduced, and continued to act as a dead hand across the Australian economy. And all the money went to often corrupt, inept, utterly inefficient state governments, to squander on their endless stupid programs. We'd all be better off if they went out and shot themselves at dawn; or 90% of them just vanished into the ether. But that wasn't going to happen. They were just there, a deathly pall, and all the hopes and aspirations that people had were being trampled under prevailing, self-righteous ideologies. The road to hell was paved with good intentions. Puritans had won, and a strange astringency NOW ran through the culture. 

And so he felt like shouting. But God forbid he should create noise "pollution". So he just wandered and squandered; and tried to recover from the worst piece of bullying he had ever endured; and his head ran around in circles and there wasn't much use denying he was now officially depressed. Flights on to hilltops and headlands, days and nights sitting in his car staring at the sea, tremendous, someone said, but there wasn't anything tremendous about it. "We had no idea..." We had no idea..." And so the canny circle went around. And he paid the price on top of the misery. And all was to be denied, because that's the way it was. He was going to get through to the other side. And nobody was going to like him for that either. And so, lonelier than he had ever been, he waited for the wheels to turn.

They were going to cripple themselves in their watching. They were going to make hay while the sun shone. But already the cold winds of winter were whipping across the bay, damp freeze settling around the bottom of hay stacks. Summer had decided not to come. So while self-interested politicians pounded on about extreme weather events, the rest of us wondered where the f... summer had gone. Because it was cold when it was meant to be hot. He could see their faces in the moonlight. He could remember every curve and forgot. He knew they knew where he was. Not even hiding his head under a blanket could erase them. Traumatised by the hunt, by the ridicule, by the fact the bastards just couldn't leave him alone, he had fled from one part of the country to another. And they always followed. They had done too good a job of their own propaganda; protecting their own little den of thieves. Exposing themselves. They could rot.

THE BIGGER STORY:

http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2013-12-04/can-thailand-break-its-coup-addiction

Can Thailand Break Its Coup Addiction?


Anti-government protesters using a bulldozer to remove concrete barriers outside Bangkok police headquarters on Dec. 3
Photograph by Vincent Thian/AP Photo
Anti-government protesters using a bulldozer to remove concrete barriers outside Bangkok police headquarters on Dec. 3
Over the past week, Thailand’s political unrest has descended into serious, chaotic violence. On Monday and Tuesday, protesters entered the grounds of both police headquarters and Government House, having already occupied other ministries. Last weekend at least three people were killed in clashes between anti-government protesters, pro-government supporters, police, and unidentified agitators. Dozens more were wounded, and parts of Bangkok near government ministries now look more like Syria-esque war zones than the streets of one of the most cosmopolitan capitals in Southeast Asia.
As protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban declares that there will be no surrender, demanding the prime minister step down and hand over power to an unelected “people’s council” of leaders, the chance of an extra-constitutional intervention— a military coup or an intervention by the royal palace—grows higher and higher. Already, the demonstrators have been able to take extraordinary steps that would have been unthinkable in most parliamentary democracies: occupying ministries, issuing deadlines to the government, taking over media outlets.
Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s government has responded weakly, allowing the demonstrators to just march into ministries, because government leaders know that if they take tough measures and many people are killed or wounded, the army—no fan of Yingluck or her populist party—would likely intervene. Indeed, Suthep already has declared that the armed forces are on the side of the protesters, who are primarily urban and middle class rather than the working class, rural supporters of Yingluck.
Thailand, in fact, is addicted to coups and other types of extra-constitutional interventions, which have badly undermined the country’s democracy. In most countries as wealthy as Thailand, coups have all but vanished since the end of the Cold War. Yet Thailand has witnessed 18 coups in the past seven decades, including one in 2006 against Yingluck’s brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, as well as other types of interventions. In 2008 and 2009, for example, after similar destructive protests by demonstrators paralyzed parts of Bangkok, leading pro-royalist elite politicians allegedly brokered backroom deals that led to the fall of a pro-Thaksin government and the installation of the opposition Democrat Party.
Why is Thailand so addicted to coups and other types of interventions? As Australian National University professor Nicholas Farrelly notes, decades of relying on coups as the default option to restore stability creates a kind of “coup culture,” in which the repeated use of coups leads elites to think they are the only way out of political stalemates. In other words, coups breed more coups.
Still, in some ways this argument is a tautology. Other countries also had such coup cultures—think of Turkey—and eventually broke the cycle to the point where coups became unacceptable. Thailand has not done so. That’s in part because, compared to nearly every army in the world, Thailand’s military is particularly bloated with senior officers who are not needed for defense and war-fighting. Despite having no obvious external enemies, Thailand has over 1,700 generals and admirals—proportionally a vastly higher percentage than in the U.S. military. Most of Thailand’s senior officers have no real jobs. Instead, they have come to believe they can gain prestige, work, and money only by intervening in politics.
Thailand remains neither an absolute monarchy, like states in the Persian Gulf, nor a truly constitutional monarchy such as the Netherlands, Britain, or Japan. Although Thailand is technically a constitutional monarchy, the king, who is the longest-reigning monarch in the world, has over the decades amassed enormous personal powers to himself and his group of allies, often called the “network monarchy.” On some occasions, including in 1973 and 1992, the king intervened directly in politics to end street protests and arbitrate major disputes. In so doing, he may have helped Thailand in the short term while also weakening the power of formal institutions designed to handle disputes. Royal interventions may have added to the notion that Thailand’s political divides can only be handled informally, by a few good men from the palace or army.
Can the country, the second-largest economy in Southeast Asia and a critical hub for many multinationals, ever break its extra-constitutional habits? It’s possible: After a coup in 1992, Thailand seemed to be on the road to solid democracy and it could get back on track. Doing so is not impossible, as many Thai elites (and some Western analysts) insist, but it will require several groups of senior Thais to make compromises.



THE HARDER THEY FALL

Pre-katrina from the net

Their thuggish behaviour continued; even across time, across countries, reaching out to rob him even when he thought he was finally rid of them. Thuggish, stupid, nasty, belligerent, caught in their own lies and born bullies, they were born nasty and would die nasty. He was the target because they thought he was vulnerable, alone, disenfranchised. Out of job and out of mind. A forlorn waif of what had once been a person. But things weren't always as they seemed. And even if they were, every act they took against him exposed themselves. And so he let it fly. "Sometimes you have to lose to win," he said; and here it was, all over again. These distant songs when all he wanted to do was sing again. They were bullies. It was in their nature. And if there was one thing on Earth he did not respond well to, it was being bullied. But he kept his mind, kept his silence, let them act as they will. Turn the other cheek, said Christ, but it had taken him a long time to learn.

He was incensed by injustice and incensed by the passing of time. He caught fragments of old things and fragments of new. They had finally moved away, or quietened down, because no one came out smelling like roses, least of all him, and perhaps they had finally done their job, and pulled the pursuers out of the queue. He didn't know. He wasn't privy to everything, just the stray voice in the wind, barely distinguishable from the radios and televisions which sometimes played in the otherwise quiet houses all around. The howling, the haunting, had finally finished, and perhaps it was true, he was safe now. He didn't feel safe. He still felt out on a limb, like someone acting out a life that wasn't even his.

But perhaps all that was simiply the result of prolonged surveillance; of a ridiculously absurd series of events over nothing but idiot rent boys and their cohorts, corrupt cops. Perhaps there wasn't any use complaining that another liar and thief, this time a British man living in Thailand who did work for the Royal Thai Tourist Police, was claiming to have written a book he had not, to be threatening him in an outrageous manner, threatening to bring his fledgling publishing enterprise down by vexatious claims. Anyone who would do that was lower than low, and yet these were the people they were unleashing on tourists. He didn't care anymore. They had done their best; and succeeded. Here he was in these quiet streets, lost in a lost point of a lost life, scarified, embarrassed. "I'm not myself, I'm not in control of my own life," he would occasionally say, in the few interactions that he had. As if nothing mattered anymore.

Washed up and washed out, he could see the way they were coming for him. He still had nightmares about what had happened; and yet many worse things happened, world events moved on. Prime Ministers came and went. Disasters multiplied. Earlier in the year hundreds of bodies had been washed down the Ganges in floods. Here, minor events, minor scandals made the news. They hadn't, in most cases, been able to identify the bodies. He listened to the ABC News Channel in the car, but even it was predictable. For a while almost every last story had a global warming tinge, as if they had decided they were the last bastion of truth, and were going to fight the war themselves. For carbon credits and carbon tax, as if anything a country as remote and sparesely populated  as Australia did was going to make the slightest bit of difference to anything. But the morality was beaten into every text, and he listened as he had always listened, sceptical, quiet, silent in a silent grace.
\
THE BIGGER STORY:

Fiorente has won the 2013 Melbourne Cup in a thrilling finish from Red Cadeaux and Mount Athos.
The 2013 edition of the race became a battle of two horses who had been previous runners-up, and the Gai Waterhouse-trained Fiorente, second in last year's Melbourne Cup, showed greater stamina over the final 250 metres to hold out Red Cadeaux, the runner-up to Dunaden in 2011.
It is a famous win for Sydney trainer Waterhouse, the most prominent figure in Australian racing, who had long coveted her first success in the nation's greatest race.
But it is also a personal triumph for jockey Damien Oliver, who was suspended over a betting charge last year, and controversially allowed back to riding in time for this year's spring carnival.
Some punters booed the famous hoop when he came back to scale. One veteran racing scribe said sections of the members at Flemington and the public were venting their feelings towards the jockey, who was banned for betting on a horse in a race in which he was riding another chance.
It is Oliver's third Cup win after success aboard Doriemus in 1995 and Media Puzzle in 2002. The latter was an emotional victory coming in the week his revered brother, also a jockey, died after a track accident.
Fiorente remained a good value favourite all day after a perfect preparation, which included a slogging third in the Cox Plate after a tough run. He finished second as an outsider last year when having his first run for Waterhouse, but thrived under her guidance during a copybook campaign this time in.


Read more: http://www.smh.com.au/sport/horseracing/gai-waterhouses-fiorente-wins-the-2013-melbourne-cup-20131105-2wyv8.html#ixzz2jtF2WXgq

    

Monday, 3 February 2014

TADPOLES

Another empty shop, South Coast, NSW, Australia

Surveillance: The Aftermath. They had kept it up for years, for no reason. To persecute an old man. To find what a couple of lying, thieving Bangkok go-go boys said they would find. To hunt out what their protectors, a corrupt cabal of Thai police, bar owners and government officials said they would find. Because they just couldn't leave him alone. Mind boggling bastards, he had been over it years ago. Tadpoles, a voice spat derisively, as if they were going to find anything else. He was sick of it, sick of them, sick of his situation. The days spun by in a dreary sequence. An old man flailing in the wind; flapping against things that no longer existed. Or existed barely. Mostly. Set up after set up, they never changed their modus operandi. A haunted day. A lonely night. A car parked on a headland. A cruising car. There was no good in any of it.

He couldn't be seen coming out of all this. He just wanted to be quiet, invisible. A shadow behind a shadow, where there was a flailing breeze, a shadow wall, a place to jump over and run off into the field. They could be master minded or not. They could sail through. He could feel them creeping in the wind. They weren't going to let go. "We drank for company and ended up alone." Well, that was it really, he sought company in all the wrong places, cruel pasts, distant futures, days that rolled by in a cruel parody. He would be shattered up against a wall before he conceded. Tadpoles, sure. A half-arched bitch. A shallow pond. A caste of characters. A distant shore. "You can't cross the ocean by staring at the water." Well, he could stare, he could bide his time, just. Wheels turned in an excruciating arc; and all would be well. Things came flying out at him, and he lay down defeated.  Or perhaps he was just pretending to be defeated. "We've watched him for years and we don't know who he is." Go figure. 

A smile in a bar. An excruciating grimace. A tawdry tale.

THE BIGGER STORY:

New beats: where do redundant journalists go?

AUTHOR

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

Lawrie Zion does not work for, consult to, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has no relevant affiliations.
La Trobe UniversityProvides funding as a Memberof The Conversation.
latrobe.edu.au
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Where experts find jobs

Fairfax journalists strike in Melbourne in 2012. Around 15% of the Australian journalist workforce was made redundant last year. AAP Image/Julian Smith)
You’ve probably heard the news: the Australian media is experiencing the most serious contraction in its history.
The rise of online and mobile media has led to the collapse of the classified advertising business model that has long sustained media companies, especially in print, and this, in turn has affected their ability to fund the journalism that has long informed us.
What’s less often discussed is the considerable human cost of those changes. Last year more than 1,000 journalists in Australia became redundant: that’s around 15% of the journalist workforce.
A year on, what has become of them? How have they made sense of their redundancy experiences? And what does the disruption of so many careers mean for the future of journalism?
These are some of the key questions in a research project calledNew Beats that a team of researchers from four universities have been developing. Our plan is to track what happens over the next three years to the careers of journalists who became redundant in 2012.
Will the last one to leave the newsroom please turn out the lights.David Sim
The scale of these redundancies underscores the disruptive impact of digital communication technologies, and how news media organisations are responding to that disruption.
It also offers a unique prism through which to examine the developing relationship between what is termed legacy media(that’s the “old” media of television, newspapers and radio) and new media (online).
The difference between them is not just a matter of changing technology, as Katharine Viner, Guardian Australia’s editorrecently pointed out:
Digital is a huge conceptual change, a sociological change, a cluster bomb blowing apart who we are and how our world is ordered, how we see ourselves, how we live … it is deeply profound and it is happening at an almost unbelievable speed.
To launch the project, we recently completed a pilot study that drew responses from 95 of these recently redundant journalists to find out about their redundancy experiences, its impact on their professional identities, and what kind of work they’re doing now.
Rae Allen
In all, we contacted 225 journalists, most of who signed up for involvement onthe project website, or through contacts provided (with permission from the journalists) by the union that represents journalists, the Media Arts and Entertainment Alliance.
The early findings will be presented today at the Journalism Education Association of Australia’s 2013 conference,Redrawing the Boundaries: Journalism Research, Education and Professional Culture in Times of Change, hosted by the University of the Sunshine Coast.

Early results

While our study includes journalists from all media platforms, it came as no surprise that 94% of our respondents had left print jobs, and most (90%) of those took a voluntary redundancy package.
What the survey dramatically showed, however, is how much journalistic experience has been walking out the door: the average age of the cohort is 49, more than half have departed from senior roles, and they have spent an average of just over 25 years working as journalists.
The exodus of such a large number of experienced journalists shows that this issue matters to non-journalists as much as it does to those in the industry. With so many experienced journalists leaving, what sort of media is left for us as readers and audiences?
AAP Image/Tracey Nearmy

Personal toll

The findings highlight how harrowing the redundancy experience has been.
For many, the decision to take a redundancy package was a tough one that was precipitated by stressful and more intense working conditions, as well as concerns about the future of the industry.
Many also felt angry and frustrated with the way management handled the process. “Despite the redundancy process being voluntary, I experienced powerful feelings of rejection, which spread into my other relationships, particularly with my teenage children”, said one respondent.
More than a quarter of all surveyed said that redundancy had had a negative impact on their professional identity. As one respondent explained, panic set in immediately after the leaving the newspaper along with a loss of identity and purpose.
“My routine had been shattered. I had to find a way to motivate myself.” For another, “the hardest thing has been adjusting to life outside a newsroom”.

A year on

A year (and a bit in some cases) after taking redundancy, the paths of those journalists have diverged considerably. Of the 95 who completed the survey, 17 are now working in legacy media, and 16 in digital media.
When asked about their job titles, ten of them listed multiple titles or roles (possibly reflecting the freelance or self-employed nature of their work). These included 27 who said they were working in a combination of journalism and other roles, with three even listing “freelance” as their job title.
Not surprisingly, public relations has emerged as a common destination, with 18 of the respondents working either as media officers, media managers, media advisors, or PR officers and account managers.
When those no longer in the media were asked to describe where they are working, 14 reported that they were at universities, 12 are freelance or self-employed, eight are working in public companies and six for government and union positions.
Not everyone wanted to remain a journalist: 65% of those who had left the profession said that they had chosen to do so, while 35% said they wanted to continue to work but no work was available.
While a significant proportion of the respondents have gained a toehold in new media, less than a quarter of them said they had received specialised training.
This raises the question – to be addressed in future surveys - of how well prepared journalists are to make transitions to digital media.

Pay and conditions

A common consequence of redundancy has been lower pay, with just over two-thirds reporting that their wages were not as good.
Perhaps surprisingly, more than half said that their job conditions were now better, with only a quarter reporting they were lower.
This apparent paradox is partly explained by the absence of the kind of workplace stress they experienced in their former roles, and partly by the fact that many respondents have funded their work transition with their redundancy payout.
Many also volunteered that redundancy has had a positive effect on their wellbeing and health. As one respondent put it:
I work a lot from home, I make my own rules and decisions, and I don’t have a third of the stress I had in my last job.
This survey provides just a single snapshot of the careers of journalists whose lives are – like journalism itself – in an extended period of flux.
But with 94% indicating they’re willing to be surveyed annually over the next three years, we’re hoping to develop a much richer insight into how the collective experience of so many of our senior journalists might yet play a role in the evolution of a very different mediascape, and, indeed, in other professions too.
The author would like to acknowledge the contribution of Merryn Sherwood at La Trobe University to this article and the New Beats team.

Sunday, 2 February 2014

MINING DATA

South Coast, NSW, Australia
I'll smash you, the man said; and Michael misted up briefly when he read out loud a piece about every person having the right to live without being bullied. And on the news a boy had suicided after being bullied at school. It barely seemed bullying at all, the way the story was told, but these things could be as subjective as they were objective. Those who pass judgement on others only judge themselves, or some such slogan, was graffitied across a brown shop wall, on one of the shops that was still open down, although he never saw any customers in there. Hobbies. Maybe people didn't have hobbies anymore. Or the man kept the shop on not for financial gain, but to stay away from his wife during the days, to postpone retirement. To maintain a pretense. To be a person amongst persons, a man amongst man, a shop owner in a deteriorating climate.

Up the road was a shop selling recycled washing machines; with even the signs promoting bargains faded with age. Michael never saw anyone in there either. The two biggest shops in the street sold recycled clothing. The hairdressers were small; and gave off no scent of glamour. The dentist looked grim, the doctor grimmer. Not even the lawyer's office looked like it had seen any money for some years. Although people kept dying, and sometimes he would glance at the obituaries. If there was a faded joy. If there was some reason for being here. If it was meant to be a recovery from bullying, it was not. Stir crazy and forlorn, sometimes he did stupid things for no reason. Or hit brick walls with the work he was supposed to be doing. Or pined to be back in his own life; instead of living a pinned down life under perpetual surveillance; as had gone on for so long.

There were reasons for it, bro, the man said, and Michael nodded briefly. He already knew. He couldn't care less what they thought, or anybody thought, it had gone on too long and if sometimes, like a rat in a glass box, he could think of no way out but in, and he did stupid things, he couldn't care less about that either. "I don't give a fuck man," his acquaintance down by the water said, as they watched the creeping sea. It was flat here, not the waves of where he grew up, but many things were the same. The same bored youth hanging on headlines. The same scenes. The same personality types. There wasn't much data to mine here, folks, and if there was a reason for being here that was it. Deliberately so. Or perhaps not so deliberately, we were all washed up on secret beaches at times. At times faraway.

The Magic Faraway Tree had been a significant feature of many of their childhoods. At one point in the school week, in the early years at Primary School, the teacher had read the book out loud to the class, and he, for one, had been entirely in there with every word. Now too much time had passed; and already it was obvious how short-lived a species they were. "I'm flying, wasted," a man said in the hotel toilet, slumped against the basin. Michael took in the tattoos, could hear the people the man was drinking with outside, and didn't dally. An old man on the loose, a random particle. Emerging into the light. "We're interfering with a natural process," one of the voices said, an early morning radio perhaps. He just let them go, tired of his own head, tired of of his circumstance, lonely is as lonely does. "You're not from around here, are you?"

THE BIGGER STORY:

https://twitter.com/RichardBarrow/status/407495329349525506/photo/1

In Thailand, a Drone’s Eye View of Protests

TheCyberJom, a YouTube account, posted video of street protests in Thailand that were recorded by a drone.
Thailand’s news media outlets have been increasingly using small, unmanned flying gadgets that give them a bird’s-eye view of the protests in the streets of their capital. As my colleague Thomas Fuller writes, the miniature drones have circulated videos of the battles, including one between riot police outside the prime minister’s office and protesters attacking the barricades.
This is the first time that drones have been used so widely during protests in Thailand, which is now in the throes of its deepest civil unrest in three years.
Video of protests at Government House on Dec. 1.
Footage of a street in the protest area and apparent evacuation of an injured protester.
Used sporadically in Thailand to take images of floods, festivals and of previous unrest, the tiny drones fitted with cameras are particularly handy now that some of Bangkok’s streets are choked with tear gas and punctuated by gunfire.
They take off vertically and are powered aloft by helicopter-type rotor blades — not unlike the drones Jeff Bezos, Amazon’s founder, floated as possible delivery vehicles. In Thailand, many local news organizations use the drones to grab new angles or to get some perspective on the rioting crowds, which either stretch down broad avenues or cluster in small groups.
While always hard to pin down, protest crowd numbers are an important estimate that can range broadly and imprecisely. In general, they can be greatly exaggerated for propaganda purposes in any conflict, even to the extent that still photography images are altered to make demonstrations look better attended than they really were.
It is not yet clear what, if any, effect the drone coverage is having on the course of the protests.
On the street, some journalists have been mingling with the protesters unimpeded, while others have been confronted and beaten, as a Human Rights Watch report published last week said.
It noted that journalists were being attacked by opposition groups, citing one example of when they surrounded television stations or attacked a photographer:
The protests have targeted journalists considered supportive of the government. On November 25, opposition protesters assaulted Nick Nostitz, a German freelance journalist, after remarks by a speaker at a mass rally. According to witnesses and news footage, a former Democrat Party member of parliament, Chumpol Junsai, announced to thousands of protesters in front of the Bangkok Metropolitan Police headquarters that Nostitz was affiliated with the pro-government United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), known at the “Red Shirts,” and urged them to chase him out.
Several protesters immediately attacked Nostitz, punching him several times in the face, until police officers intervened and rescued him. Shortly thereafter, a pro-Democrat Party cable TV station, the Blue Sky Channel, posted Nostiz’s profile on its Facebook page, and his photograph has been spread widely on antigovernment social media sites, raising concerns for his safety.
Richard Barrow, a writer based in Bangkok, wroteon his website last month about the use of drones to augment his travel writing in Thailand using thePhantom, a device which can be fitted with a GoPro or built-in camera.
Mr. Barrow wrote in a recent post that the devices have also been used in reporting on floods and festivals, in addition to the latest unrest for which he recirculated an aerial image of protest crowds at Bangkok’s Democracy Monument last month.
As the protests intensified over the weekend, at least three people were killed, and as of late Monday, the government reported that the total number of people injured since Friday had risen to 201, Mr. Fuller reported.
On Monday, Mr. Barrow and others shared on Twitter a sense of the difficulties of working in Thailand.
  

THE CREEPING SEA

Lake Illawara, NSW, Australia

As if far off, a dismal flap of wings so far over the horizon that all that could be detected was a slight variation in the thickness of the air. Sometimes they just lived in cars; as half the country had once seemingly done; in another time. He wasn't going to say anything about it, that there was no way back, that stupidity and inconsequence were too frighteningly a part of what was, and what easily could be. Like a barnacle lynched on to a drifting cargo ship, there wasn't any way that he came from here, belonged here, could be in this place. He wanted a home; an established life, a routine, and all he did was float thorugh raucous members when he should have been ashamed; and didn't belong. That strange old man. Those weird wings he kept trying to flap, only to have another crash landing. He wished some easy warmth would flow his way; but it did not. He could remember how it felt 50 years ago in Australian beach side suburbs, and wanted to walk the other way.

So instead, dissembled, dissembling, he was someone he didn't want to be, somewhere he didn't want to be. And as the tide ran out. As, even further over the horizon, there was distant flight. "No way," they said, and laughed. "I'll bash the c..t bro..."  The pattois of the street. In a quiet remorse, dumbfounded. If nothing else. Nothing murmuring in the wind. No old friends. No instant tableaus. No comfort. He could have roused up a misshappen self, he didn't want to be whoever it was he had become. He was too constrained to write about anything; so he just screwed up the page and grimaced into the sun. "He's not a fraction of who he was...." So far away, indeed.

And when the morning came, and the quiet depression settled even deeper, and he didn't know what had happened, and he wished then that it was over, that there would be no further embarrassment. That a cruising cop car took his licence plate, and found what, an old man living in a quiet street. If there could have been any abnegation worse than this. The cry of the tiger. To be whoever it was he was meant to be. To become. The tide flowed out and rivlets of water pooled along the rocks. A distant, even more mournful cry. He smiled and meant none of it. He wasn't himself, not even in his own body. If the chorus would only leave. Damaged. He had to start over, but it was as if the year had already been long enough. Forty days and forty nights. The desert. If only we could reach across and touch you, everything would be alright. But you were long gone.

 THE BIGGER STORY:

Paul Sheehan

Sweeping judgments about generations are dubious but the statistics do tell a story about one generation which stands out for all the money it has spent and all the debt it has racked up - the baby boomers. I am a member of that generation and I'm not happy about the boomers cost-shifting to generations X, Y and Z. Never before in peacetime have we seen one generation spend so much. Generation Spend. Generation Debt. Generation Second-Home.
Australia's first boomer prime minister was Kevin Rudd, and what a spendthrift he turned out to be. Yes, he ''saved Australia from recession'' during the global financial crisis, but in the process he wildly overreacted. Hansard is full of accurate warnings at the time. Rudd inherited zero debt and a budget surplus but his legacy is a $300 billion debt and a mountain of unfunded legislative commitments.
Peter Costello, the boomer treasurer who left behind zero debt, is now free to engage in frankness. He wrote recently about the challenge facing the Abbott government: ''I doubt we'll ever get back to where we were in 2006. I doubt the Commonwealth will ever pay off this debt.''
The collective record of the baby boomers in the wealthy economies is alarming. Boomers, those born between 1946 and 1964, who are thus aged from 49 to 67, have been running the world for a decade. In that time, the European Union has collectively accumulated a public debt of more than 90 per cent of gross domestic product. Japan has a public debt of more than 200 per cent GDP. The US has seen the growth of absurd disparities in wealth, a hollowing out of the middle class, an economy floating on massive money-printing and a federal debt now more than 100 per cent of GDP.
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This is the defining challenge facing the Abbott government, yet only a small fraction of the political reporting is even looking at the challenge. Instead there is a din about spending, with a clamour about more, more more. Where is the money for Gonski? For the National Disability Insurance Scheme? For the infrastructure to deal with 240,000 immigrants a year? For cutting carbon emissions? For health? Indigenous disadvantage? Asylum seekers?
The one question rarely asked is the one that really matters: where is the money going to come from?
Reality: Australia cannot afford the Gonski spend, plus the NDIS spend, plus the carbon reduction spend, plus the paid parental leave spend, plus the infrastructure surge, plus the promised increase in defence spending, plus the cost of unfunded retiring boomers, plus reducing indigenous disadvantage, plus $1 billion a year for asylum seekers. The revenue is simply not there. It is never going to be there under the present mix of existing tax arrangements, budget commitments, social welfare obligations, low productivity growth, ageing population and the debt-service burden. Yet the critique is all about spin and social equity.
It's not as if the challenge is insurmountable. It's just that the surmounting requires grit and focus from the government and a recognition by the media and the public that either there has to be policy triage, or much higher taxes, or both.
Last week the Productivity Commission, eyeing the demographic storm ahead, recommended raising the eligibility age for pensions to 70, though only by the distant year of 2035 (the Gillard government had already raised the eligibility age to 67 by 2023). This was greeted with howls of outrage by Labor and numerous interest groups. Treasurer Joe Hockey responded by saying the government had no plans to increase the pension age.
In that case he'd better have a plan for plenty of other tough decisions. Last May Hockey said we had a budget emergency, and the problem was not too little revenue but too much spending. There is indeed a budget emergency pending unless taxes rise and spending is slashed. A good strategic reference point is a 28-page paper put out last week by the Centre for Independent Studies, entitled Target 30, which sets out nine major savings which would cut federal spending by $20 billion a year.
Just two of the biggest proposed cuts would save $14 billion a year: ending corporate welfare by eliminating industry assistance payments, saving $8 billion a year. And abolishing the Family Tax Benefit Part B, which goes to middle-income families, plus ending the Schoolkids Bonus, and means-testing the Family Tax Benefit Part A, saving almost $6 billion a year.
It is the moral obligation of the Abbott government to avoid what boomer governments have done all over the developed world, and avoid becoming a Me Generation of unsustainable social spenders. The surrounding clamour about more, more, more pales besides this imperative of protecting the next generations from profligacy by the generation now in power.
This always has been the moral imperative of democratic governments. The boomers are the first generation to act as if it is not.


Read more: http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/comment/tony-abbott-must-fight-the-baby-boomers-debt-explosion-20131201-2yjlm.html#ixzz2mFZY06gV